Among the Emergency Amendment (covered more in part 2 of this article series) was also language on one particular reform that has often been talked about these past few years throughout the country: Body Worn Cameras (BWC’s). The act requires that police release BWC video within five business days at the request of the Chairperson of the Council or if it involves serious use of force and/or an officer-involved death. This should make it easier for BWC videos to be made public and hopefully also hold police accountable. The logic often applied to Body Worn Cameras when people call for this reform is that the threat of having misconduct recorded will prevent police from carrying out said misconduct. Unfortunately, this has not been the case. For years we have had videos of police brutality, yet the problem has not gotten better.
MPD has one of the largest BWC programs in the country, with over 3,200 cameras for their 3,800 members, yet they also know that the program alone does nothing. On their website, they highlight the randomized controlled trial with The Lab @ DC that they ran to find the effectiveness of BWCs. But they fail to show clearly what that study found, seemingly because they concluded that BWCs had no noticeable effect.
“Our experiment suggests that we should recalibrate our expectations of BWCs. Law enforcement agencies (particularly in contexts similar to Washington, DC) that are considering adopting BWCs should not expect dramatic reductions in use of force or complaints, or other large-scale shifts in police behavior, solely from the deployment of this technology.”
Quoted directly, from a study that MPD ran itself, where 6 out of 8 people running it worked directly for MPD. They also based their results on police officers’ reports of incidents written after the fact (under the assumption that they were telling the truth). Despite this, they had no choice but to report that BWCs are not enough to affect significant change. The BWC program at MPD has received nothing but more support and more funding. Instead of investing in programs proven to work like ONSE, they are throwing money at things that have proven to do nothing.
One more major change that happened last year was the appointment of a new chief of police, Robert Contee III. Some believe that Contee’s appointment will lead to the reforms that MPD needs. But is he committed to these changes? On the one hand, Contee talks about the need for change, on the other hand, he talks about how much great change has already happened within MPD over the past decade. Contee is also a big fan of a community policing model, which unfortunately means more police interactions in communities that are already over-policed. Both Contee and Mayor Bowser would like to expand the police force (even though, MPD is one of the biggest police departments in the country). One of his first measures as chief was to increase the police presence in “six historically crime-ridden neighborhoods” in an effort to deter crime. Although this is not something unique or new from Contee, it is not the policy change that many have been saying he represents.
All of these increases in policing are being justified by talking about high rates of crime. Contee claims that more officers are needed because there simply are not enough to effectively respond to all of the calls being made. Nationwide focus on gun violence and homicide is used to pressure people into giving police more power, even though evidence shows that police do not solve these problems. Nevertheless, the MPD budget has been steadily increasing. Many police supporters will point to the budget cut in 2020, from $591,313,726 to $559,526,918, as well as the supposedly rising crime rates. However, this one cut does not represent the overall trend in the rising MPD budget. The proposed 2021 operating budget of $578,069,493, is less than the budget in 2019, is still $8 million more than the budget in 2018 at $570,087,037. Looking at MPD’s crime data, we see that the overall crime rates in DC have been falling. The homicide rate this year is higher, going from 99 by July 14th in 2020, to 101 by the same date in 2021. But that represents only a 2% increase while the overall number of crimes, both violent and property, are down by 2%. All this is with the large budget cut. This is also after a huge decrease in crime from 2019 to 2020, where the total amount of crime decreased by 19%. Despite the trend of decreased crime each year, homicides have increased, from 116 in 2017 to 160 in 2018, and then from 166 in 2019 to 198 in 2020. Rhetoric that tries to tie a lack of funding to increased homicide rates is wrong – rates have been going up well before any cuts were made in MPD’s budget. Despite what Contee wants people to believe, more policing does not solve the issue of gun violence and homicide.
While the reforms in both the NEAR Act and the Comprehensive Policing and Justice Reform Emergency Amendment Act are steps in the right direction. These have been undermined through a lack of funding or police just ignoring them. What we ultimately need is to decenter the police. The recommendations made by the Police Reform Commission speak about centering communities rather than the police to prevent crimes from happening in the first place. The first step towards a safer DC is to push back on Contee’s calls for an increased police force by making sure that the Council follows the recommendations made by the PRC. If we have learned anything from 2020, it is that public pressure campaigns do work. We need to hold the DC Council and Mayor Bowser accountable because it is not the police who will keep us safe. We keep us safe.
prohibits the use of neck restraints like chokeholds
increases access to body-worn camera videos
limits consent searches
created the Police Reform Commission
restricts MPD’s purchasing and use of military weapons, as well as limits the use of “internationally banned chemical weapons (tear gas), riot gear, and less-lethal weapons (rubber bullets)”
Limiting consent searches, restricting military weapons, and prohibiting neck restraints are changes that immediately impact how police officers carry out their jobs. Decreasing the use of tear gas, riot gear, and rubber bullets is a step to protect people’s first amendment right to freedom of assembly. It is unfortunate that the Act didn’t go into effect until a month after US Park Police came down hard on activists protesting the murder of George Floyd, as is clear in the two, age-restricted videos below.
6-22-20 US Park Police and MPD Attack Protestors, from Black Lives Matter-DC YouTube Channel
Lafayette Square 6-22-20 Attack on Protestors, from Black Lives Matter-DC YouTube Channel
But even if the Comprehensive Policing and Justice Reform Emergency Amendment Act had been officially on the books, there’s no guarantee it would have kept protestors safe. The law has a loophole that states that aggressive items like tear gas and rubber bullets can be used if there is “an immediate risk to officers of significant bodily injury.” Considering that cops use this excuse all the time, this effort to reform policing in the District might not be as helpful as it seems. Nevertheless, these are changes we should ensure are carried out.
One of the most interesting parts of the Comprehensive Policing and Justice Reform Emergency Amendment Act was the creation of the Police Reform Commission (PRC). The Commission was composed of 20 representatives, none of whom were affiliated with MPD in any way, who would examine the policing practices in DC and recommend reforms. Formed in July of 2020, they would only have until the end of the year to report to Mayor Bowser.
Although they did not have much time, the Police Reform Commission published a lengthy report with many great recommendations to change how police operate within DC. They recommended replacing police with behavioral healthcare professionals as “the default first responders to individuals in crises.” Calling on police only in dangerous crises where weapons are involved, and even then, the response is in conjunction with the behavioral health professional.
Many of the recommendations in the Police Reform Commission’s report resemble provisions included in the Neighborhood Engagement Achieves Results (NEAR) Act of 2016. The NEAR Act establishes a new program that pairs mental and behavioral health professionals with MPD officers. The teams will identify and serve individuals with unmet needs who frequently interact with the police. It also places trained personnel in emergency rooms around the District to help de-escalate retaliatory violence and directly connect trauma victims to needed social services.
It took a coalition of organizations, including Stop Police Terror Project-DC, Black Lives Matter-DC and the American Civil Liberties Union of DC, three years to convince the city to pass the NEAR Act and another year to get it fully funded. The argument can be made that if the city expanded NEAR Act programs, some of the suggestions made in the Police Reform Commission’s report might not feel quite so necessary.
The PRC also recommended strengthening social safety nets by increasing funding for the Department Of Behavioral Health, addressing the housing needs of all DC’s residents, and decriminalizing low-level offenses like panhandling, among other recommendations. Rather than criminalizing certain behaviors, the PRC calls on DC “to expand and create community-based services and other resources that meet people’s underlying needs.” Many of their recommendations spring from what they called “Reducing and Realigning,” meaning that the size of the MPD should be reduced, and that money that usually goes to policing should go to building community programs that help people instead. As they pointed out in their report,
“While many cities have significantly reduced funding for police, MPD funding has increased by 12 percent since 2015. MPD’s budget dwarfs the District’s budgets for affordable housing, employment services, physical and behavioral health (and is less than human services).”
Black Lives Matter-DC activists have been demanding these kind of reforms almost since the groups inception in 2015. Unfortunately, their demand to Fund Black Futures didn’t get much traction.
Reduction and realignment are in their proposals through removing police from schools and taking special measures to protect young people from over-policing and criminalization, funding the Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement (ONSE), holding police accountable, and building a community-centered MPD with a harm reduction approach to policing.
This report is very long and goes much further into detail than this article. There is a move away from policing communities and towards building communities. Policing has never worked to bring about material improvements for working-class people. Community-based approaches like the ONSE are proven to work. Adopting the suggestions of the Police Reform Commission could be an important step in this direction. Their recommendations should be put into effect.
“Black people are allowed to be joyful or feel seen with DC renaming a street after Black Lives Matter. It’s also our responsibility to let you know what we are fighting for, who has the power to change things and that power concedes nothing without demand.”
– Kiki Green, a Core Organizer with Black Lives Matter DC
Today Black Lives Matter DC stands in solidarity with freedom fighters all over the world to honor the lives of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Tony McDade, Dreasjon Reed, and as always those we have lost to police here in DC:
Jeffery Price, age 22, was chased to his death in DC by the Metropolitan Police Department on May 4, 2018.
These are the names of the people that performative Black Lives Matter street art leaves out. These are the names that fuel our commitment to #DefundPolice and #StopMPD. We know that for some DC is the seat of power and imperialism, the symbolic representation of harmful systems but it is also home to hundreds of thousands of Black people who are oppressed by the very systems people claim to be against. It never fails that in the national discourse people ignore those killed right here in DC by police while protesting police brutality and muder in our city.
Image Credited to BYP100
We stand by our critique of the DC Mayor Muriel Bowser after the unveiling of the Black Lives Matter Mural and the renaming of Black Lives Matter Plaza. “Black Lives Matter” is a complete statement. There is no grey area or ambiguity. We hold that we have a duty to the loved ones named above to ensure that they are not forgotten and their deaths are not exploited for publicity, performance, or distraction. Mayor Muriel Bowser must be held accountable for the lip service she pays in making such a statement while she continues to intentionally underfund and cut services and programs that meet the basic survival needs of Black people in DC.
To chip away at the investments in communities that actually make us safer while proposing a $45 million dollar increase in funding for the Metropolitan Police Department’s budget a few weeks ago is NOT making Black lives matter. Bowser justifies the over policing of Black bodies by pointing to the heartbreaking number of Black people who have died as a result of violence in our streets. Simultaneously she publicly admits that increased police presence has little effect on violent crimes, especially homicide. Homicides continue to increase despite the MPD budget growing every year and more and more officers on the streets. In a continuation of her intentional efforts to first not fund, then dissect, and now lie about implementing the Neighborhood Engagement Achieves Results Act (NEAR Act), that threats community violence as a public health issue, she just proposed to cut $800k from the Office of Neighborhood Safety and Engagement that the Act created and where the violence interruption program sits. Additionally, she still has not opened the stand alone Office of Violence Prevention also required by the Act. Stop Police Terror Project DC and Black Lives Matter DC were instrumental in the creation, passage, funding of the NEAR Act.
Although Black people make up 46% of D.C.’s population, they remain the subjects of the vast majority of all stops, frisks, and uses of force in the District. A January 2018 D.C. Office of Police Complaints OPC report found that of the 2,224 total reported uses of force in Fiscal Year 2017 (October 1, 2016 through September 30, 2017), 89% involved a Black subject. A February 2018 investigative report from WUSA9 analyzed pre-NEAR Act data and found that approximately 80% of the stops involved a Black subject. Just this week OPC released its FY18 Annual Report that revealed officer misconduct complaints are up 78% since FY16, 780 complaints were received (the second consecutive year of receiving a record number of complaints), 501 new investigations were opened (more than any other year since OPC’s
We actively reject the false narrative that policing is necessary or safe. That the system of the system of policing and the injustice system are not broken, they are operating exactly the way that they were designed.
Our anger and rage, our grief is justified. We rebuke the notion that we must celebrate crumbs the Mayor gives DC residents without engaging critically in why we settle for art but not housing, street signs but not investments in the actual things that keep communities safe. If our attempts to hold this administration accountable for what we believe are multiple failures of leadership turns people away then we will stand alone. We are clear in our commitment that liberation for all Black people and real change to the conditions that keep us locked up and out will not be swayed even if people disagree with our stance.
While people celebrate this Mayor, our lawsuit against Bowser this week resulted in the DC curfew being lifted. That’s not it. While we are both taking it to the streets with direct action and support, we are also suing President Donald Trump for ordering the use of violence against protestors who were speaking out against police brutality and the murder of Black people by police. We do this because we know that both the federal and local government are complicit in the violence against protestors.
While others may forget, we do not forget any of us. When we say Black Lives Matter, we mean ALL Black lives. We will work for the liberation of all Black people in DC when it is difficult, when we are attacked, when people are busy debating whether or not protestors are violent or peaceful, and until we are free.
Therefore WE DEMAND
Defunding of the Metropolitan Police Department (MPD)
Black Lives Matter DC is a member-based abolitionist organization centering Black people most at risk for state violence in DC, creating the conditions for Black Liberation through the abolition of systems and institutions of white supremacy, capitalism, patriarchy, and colonialism.
We are dedicated to promoting strategies that:
empower the most oppressed Black people;
do not reinforce or legitimize systems and institutions that harm Black people including police, prisons, mass incarceration, and modern slavery.
divest from people, institutions and systems that harm us and invest in the people, institutions, systems and other models that support our liberation and empowerment.
use a diversity of tactics to promote harm reduction, political education, and non-cooperation as strategic visions.
On November 27, 1999, my son Gary Hopkins, Jr., was gunned down by an Prince George’s County police officer. This was years before smartphone videos made it possible for us to watch unarmed Black folks die at the hands of police on our social media feeds every week or so.
Along with mothers from across the nation who’ve lost their children to what is essentially state-sanctioned violence, I have been fighting to change the criminal justice system for the last twenty years. On October 26, 2019, we plan to celebrate the life of Gary Hopkins, Jr and those of other loved ones lost. It will be a day of healing, storytelling, performances and activism.
Grassroots DC is a partner in this event and will be presenting a short video about Gary Hopkins, Jr., one that we hope to eventually turn into a feature-length documentary. Below is the budget for the event. If you can support this effort, please go to our GoFundMe page and make a donation. You can also send a check to the Coalition of Concerned Mothers, 3304 Asher Street, Upper Marlboro, MD 20772. If you can’t support, please share this post with those who can. Thank you.
“IT TAKES A VILLAGE” – A CELEBRATION OF GARY HOPKINS, JR.’S LIFE
I. SUMMARY
Gary Hopkins Jr. was an artist, writer, and a full time college student, whose life was taken by the police in 1999. Marion Gray-Hopkins, Gary’s mother, is hosting the first commemoration event after 20 years since his death, with the hope to (i) celebrate Gary’s life and achievements, (ii) bring together families who were affected by state violence locally and nationally to grow the movement against police terrorism, and (iii) collectively heal through this weekend long event, centering around an artistic ceremony and installation.
II. ABOUT
A. Context:
Gary Hopkins, Jr., at the time of his death, was 19 years old, the youngest child of Gary
Hopkins, Sr. and Marion Gray-Hopkins. Gary was the brother of Tahlita, Antwon and Tashia; he
was also an uncle, cousin, nephew, and friend to many. Gary was also an aspiring rapper,
writer, and producer, who was a full time college student majoring in mass communications with
a business minor. On the night of November 26, Gary attended a dance where one of his
friends got into a verbal altercation with another young man. Following the event, on early
morning November 27, 1999, after breaking up the altercation and getting everyone into their
cars, Gary was sitting on the window ledge of the lead vehicle when a police officer used his
patrol car to block them from exiting the venue. The police officer got out of his car with his gun
drawn, went up to Gary and placed the gun to his temple. The officer then pulled him off the car
by the collar of his shirt when Gary stumbled backwards another officer, who was moonlighting
at the dance, shot Gary in the chest killing him.
The officer who shot Gary was charged with manslaughter, which, following a bench trial, was
acquitted by the judge. No charges were filed against the officer who precipitated the incident,
although he was under investigation for several excessive force violations.
B. After Gary’s Death
Gary’s murder at the hands of law enforcement and the failure of the State to restore justice to
him and his family have led Marion Gray-Hopkins, his mother, to become an activist against
police terrorism, advocating for policy and legislative changes. Marion began her activism work
with Prince George’s County People’s Coalition against Police Brutality and later began to
partner with ONUS Inc.; Families United 4 Justice; American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU); Code
Pink; Progressive Maryland; Campaign for Justice, Safety, and Jobs (CJSJ); A Mother’s Cry;
Black Lives Matter DC; and Amnesty International.
Marion’s activist work has led her to speak out against police terrorism locally, nationally, and
internationally. Marion spoke at Rio De Janeiro, Brazil to support the “Beyond Borders”
Conference; and Kingston, Jamaica for the “Broken but Not Destroyed Campaign.” She
currently serves as a board member with ACLU Maryland, and co-founded and serves as the
President of the Coalition of Concerned Mothers (COCM).
III. Case for Support
We appreciate you and your willingness to support the movement against police terrorism and
specifically this event to commemorate the life of Gary Hopkins Jr.. With you support, we hope
to achieve:
– Bringing 20 mothers from out of state and 20 local mothers who were affected
by police brutality to Washington, DC to attend the full day event.
– Having 150 participants (including mothers) at the commemoration ceremony
for the evening program.
– Reaching 7000 people on social media, before and after the event.
– Strengthening the foundation of this work: (i) healing: centering impacted mothers
and families and creating a space for them to share their experiences, move
through trauma and grief with community; we believe that impacted mothers
need to be cared for and be well before they advance the work of the movement;
(ii) building: when individuals are well, the community can be well; we believe the
healing and collective sharing of mothers will set a strong foundation for trust
building, relationship building, strategies building and thus, movement building;
(iii) outreaching and modeling: police brutality and racial profiling of young black
men have historically contributed to the enactment of white supremacy in
America; by creating this space to share and grow together, this commemoration
event will not only center Gary’s life, Marion’s experiences and those of local
mothers, but also serve as a model for other spaces to be created nationally with
the same purpose: taking steps to heal from white supremacy and fighting for
collective liberation.
IV. ‘IT TAKES A VILLAGE’ EVENT DETAILS
1. General Programming
The event is expected to take place from the evening of October 25 to end of evening
October 26, 2019 (location TBD), with the bulk of activities taking place on Saturday, October
26. Below is a break-down of the key parts of the program:
2. Artistic components
Art has long been the tool that uplifts our collective voice, helps us reimagine our reality, and
inspires us to create a liberatory future. For this event, the programming heavily relies on the
arts to achieve Marion’s vision and objectives to heal and find collective power with local and
national mothers who were affected by police terrorism.
Our program has been in touch with friends, families of Gary Hopkins, Jr., as well as local artists
in the DMV to tap into the resources and power within our community.
a. Performances
During the official commemoration ceremony on October 26 evening, there will be various
performances to celebrate the life of Gary Hopkins, Jr., including:
– Spoken Word performance.
– Gospel singing performance.
– Dance performance.
b. Art Workshop
After the Emotional Healing session, an art workshop will be offered for mothers to reflect and
create arts on their own experiences; drawing from their personal story and adding to the
collective voice and vision of the movement.
c. Art Installation
Our programming will be centered around an artistic installation, hereby referred to as an artistic
altar (references and inspirations below). The altar is inspired by various religious and spiritual
practices, where the altar is believed to be a sacred place where we can connect to the spirits of
our deceased beloveds. It’s also a place for family members, friends, and acquaintances to
show love and respect for people who passed away through prayers and offerings.
This altar will: (i) serve as a visual celebration of Gary’s life, as the artists will create both 2D
and 3D suspended and installed art pieces that represent Gary’s dynamic personality, yearning
for social change, loving compassion as well as his own artistic passion; (ii) an interactive altar
where folks can give offerings in multiple ways throughout the event.
*These images serve as the centerpiece’s inspiration only – the final installation will be created
by our artists as it pertains to Gary Hopkins Jr. and the current movement against police
terrorism.
d. Artistic Offerings
There are two formal sessions of artistic offerings:
(i) after the art workshop: all art created during the art workshop will be installed by mothers
onto the altar to showcase and build collective narratives on the effects of police terrorism on
families as well as share their healing process.
(ii) at the end of the commemoration (after dinner), mothers, general participants as well as
donors, sponsors will have their own rounds of offering. See section V for details.
There are also opportunities for participants and mothers to give offerings at any convenient
time, either through prayers or written notes that can be installed on the altar.
V. BUDGET
VI. Donation Options
Our work in this movement heavily relies on the support of donors and sponsors. We deeply
appreciate any support we get, and want to include our donors and sponsors in our
programming as much as we can. Donors and sponsors will get their own round of
acknowledgement and offerings: each support, regardless of the amount, comes with a candle.
Donors will take part in our offering ceremony and place their candles on the altar to celebrate
and honor the life of Gary Hopkins, Jr. along with family members and friends (other participants
are also asked to donate a minimum of $20 to attend the evening program and will also
participate in the offering sessions with their candles). Additionally, we have three suggested
levels of donations with additional benefits outlined below:
The Visionary: $10,000 and above
The Change Agent: $5,500 – $9,500
The Collaborator: $1,000 – $5,000
Thank you very much for your time and support for this event and the movement against
police terrorism. We look forward to working with you!
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