By Malik Thompson, on November 23rd, 2015  In the wake of the most recent attack on Paris, citizens across the globe are in mourning over the lives lost in the attack, which the extremist group ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) have reportedly claimed was their doing.
People across the globe are demonstrating their mourning for those who were killed or injured in Paris via social media (Facebook users laying a transparent French flag over their profile pictures, which has been criticized) and the organizing of vigils and rallies.
Seeing people in sincere grief over the lives lost in Paris gives me hope that we are slowly, but surely, becoming a more empathetic, humane global community.
However, I find it difficult to witness these actions alongside the lack of recognition and/or awareness Western nations have for the lives of people who aren’t living in wealthy, Western nations.
This past summer, 147 people were killed at Garissa University College in Kenya by Somalian extremist group, al-Shabaab. Despite global coverage of this tragedy, the outcry in response to the horrors committed in Kenya paled in comparison to flood of sorrow and solidarity given to the citizens of Paris.
What do these differing responses, to very similar tragedies, reveal about who we as Westerners are able and/or willing to empathize with? And what is the cause of our imbalanced ability to empathize?
More recently, the attacks in Beirut, Lebanon, which resulted in the reported deaths of 47 people, received a significantly smaller amount of attention than the attacks in Paris as well.
In an article on her website Aphro-ism, Black feminist vegan, Aph Ko, writes about how we’re taught to associate humanity with Whiteness and being white; meaning, within a white supremacist perspective, white people are the only people on the planet who are complete human beings.
Backing up Ko’s assertions are studies in race and empathy; it has been proven that, generally, white people have a limited ability, or inability, to empathize with PoC.
In large part, a stunted ability to empathize has much to do with an inability/unwillingness to completely acknowledge the humanity of the other person/people. And the West has a long history of devaluing the humanity of people in the Middle East and Africa.
In a piece published on Quartz, Emma Kelly condescendingly asserts that, while news media actually did give coverage to the attacks in Kenya and Beirut, the lack of outcry stems from news media consumers’ lack of Western attentiveness to international news.
While I don’t completely disagree with Kelly’s argument (mainstream Western media ignores many, many international tragedies), I do add that part of Western media consumers’ lack of attentiveness to the plights of people in Africa and the Middle East stems from a lack of empathy as well.
And, while I don’t believe empathy is a panacea for global injustice, I do believe apparatuses for injustice would be less difficult to overcome if people were genuinely interested in doing the work of justice for everyone.
If we are unwilling to interrogate and expand our own empathic capacities, than those in power who clearly have stunted empathic capacities will continue to exploit, subjugate, and domineer. This said, even while critiquing those who are blatantly misusing their power, it is critical that everyone remain vigilant in holding themselves accountable and avoid seeking out scapegoats to assuage feelings of guilt.
Of course, a lack of empathy doesn’t completely explain Western citizens’ responses to this most recent wave of extremist violence, however, it is of utmost importance to expand our empathic capacities as people across the globe are being facing extremists violence in the face of broader injustices.
By Guest Contributor, on February 12th, 2015 Cross-Posted from The Stranger
Written by Charles Mudede on Tue, Sept 2, 2014
Nicholas Kristof:
The net worth of the average black household in the United States is $6,314, compared with $110,500 for the average white household, according to 2011 census data. The gap has worsened in the last decade, and the United States now has a greater wealth gap by race than South Africa did during apartheid. (Whites in America on average own almost 18 times as much as blacks; in South Africa in 1970, the ratio was about 15 times.)
This inequality was almost nowhere mentioned during the Occupy moment. Indeed, the “black-white income gap” today is wider than it was in 1967. That bad check the March on Washington was all about worth even less in 2014. The Golden Age of Capitalism missed excluded black Americans. The Golden Age of Capitalism missed a large part of black America. Thomas Piketty:
Inequality reached its lowest ebb in the United States between 1950 and 1980: the top decile of the income hierarchy claimed 30 to 35 percent of US national income, or roughly the same level as in France today. This is what Paul Krugman nostalgically refers to as “the America we love”—the America of his childhood. In the 1960s, the period of the TV series Mad Men and General deGaulle, the United States was in fact a more egalitarian society than France (where the upper decile’s share had increased dramatically to well above 35 percent), at least for those US citizens whose skin was white.
During this Golden Age, white Americans relocated to the suburbs and abandoned black Americans in the inner city. The government also ended its pre-World War Two commitments to urban public housing and redirected its resources to the suburbs: roads, generous tax breaks, and long-term home loans (the 30-year mortgage was not devised by the market but by the government). Some turn to the 90s (the Clinton-era) as evidence of economic progress (low unemployment) for black Americans—but this was all an illusion. The prison population in 1970 was below 300,000; in the 1990s it approached 2 million (the population of the US in 1970 was 200 million; by 1990, it was 300 million). Black males make up half of the prison population (1 million), and the Bureau of Labor Statistics does not include those who are sitting in cells doing nothing in its unemployment figures (Read Punishment and Inequality by the Harvard sociologist Bruce Western). But the story is not over yet.
Things are only going to get worse because since the 90s, black Americans have, in greater and greater numbers, been forced out to suburbs like Ferguson at the very moment the market and white Americans are returning to the core of the city, and the core is where the jobs are…
Nicholas Kristof points out that white Americans do not want to hear about this problem. They think the story of inequality and race is getting more attention than it deserves…
MANY white Americans say they are fed up with the coverage of the shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo. A plurality of whites in a recent Pew survey said that the issue of race is getting more attention than it deserves.
By Grassroots DC, on November 13th, 2014 Cross-Posted from Sociable Susan
Written by Susan Majek
The community of social activists of the Washington, DC Metropolitan area organizes a panel discussion about the significance of the ongoing Burkina Faso Revolution characterized by the modern day African youth movement.
The new phase of the Burkinabe Revolution, nurtured and fueled with Thomas Sankara’s Spirit and Energy, coined “Compaore Must Go Movement” ended the 27 year rule of President Blaise Compaore on October 31, 2014. The former president of Burkina Faso sought to change the Constitution to extend his time in power. The people of Burkina took to the streets and took their destiny in their hands against a western-backed leader.
The conference will analyze the insurgency, contingencies, development, and impact of the “Compaore Must Go Movement” on panafricanism, on Africa and on the world. The conference will also critically discuss the repercussion of the Burkina Faso people movement and power on other African countries namely Benin, Burundi, Congo Brazzaville, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Rwanda. The respective leaders of these countries, after more than a decade of rule, plan to maintain themselves in power through constitutional changes.
Prior to the discussion, the conference will feature a powerhouse of the Burkinabe Revolution, Hip Hop Singer and founding member of Le Balai Citoyen (Civic Broom), Smockey. He will give a 10 minute phone recount of the popular uprising that put an end to Compaore’s rule.
The Conference is organized and endorsed by Revival of Panafricanism Forum, Friends of the Congo, All-African Revolutionary Party, Le Balai Citoyen-USA, Mouvement du Peuple pour le Progres-USA, Institute for Policy Studies, Socialist Workers Party, Answer Coalition, Party for Socialism and Liberation.
 Susan Majek is a freelance writer & journalist who has worked with various media houses, covering many events & personalities. She has written for Glory International Magazine, The Women’s International Perspective website (The WIP), Africa News and several newspapers. She also covers events for corporate organizations/individuals.
By Malik Thompson, on September 30th, 2014 On September 21, 2014 over 300,000 people swarmed Manhattan in mass protest against global climate change. With indigenous peoples and people of color leading the charge , the largest protest against climate change in history took place in New York City.
On September 23, Rising Tide DC (RTDC), the local chapter of the international, grassroots climate justice network Rising Tide North America, and the National Campaign for Nonviolent Resistance (NCNR), an organization dedicated to peace and nonviolent resistance, both staged acts of protests against climate change in solidarity with the march in NYC within the nation’s capitol.
NCNR gathered on Pennsylvania Ave. before stopping in front of the White House, and spoke out against the Pentagon’s usage of fossil fuels and similar military practices. Refusing to leave without meeting a person in power, five NCNR protesters were arrested for refusing to step away from the gates surrounding the White House.
While these events were taking place, RTDC led a march through downtown DC opposing the practices of large corporations, such as TD Bank, which cause global human and environmental suffering.
By Yesenia Rivera, on July 29th, 2014 
Central American immigrants traveling on the tops of trains through Mexico in order to reach their final destination. John Moore/ Getty Images
These past seven months have seen a noticeable spike in the number of underage children crossing the border. So far this year, the number of unaccompanied children entering the United States that the Department of Homeland Security’s Immigrant and Customs Enforcement arrested surpassed 47,000. This alone is a 92% increase from last year’s numbers.
But why the drastic increase?
Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador are going through a turbulent time. According to Eric Olson, Associate Director of the Latin America Program at the Wilson Center, these three countries have some of the highest murder rates in the world.
Although, murder rates have decreased in comparison to last year, this does not mitigate the rampant violence that occurs throughout this region. Gang activity is as high as ever. Nevertheless, the lack of stability in this region is pushing parents to send their children to the United States.
Whatever doubts people had on the lengths these gang members are willing in order to continue their regional dominance is long gone now. People throughout this region live in consistent fear. Not only that, but there is no sense of continuity—the belief that life will get better by the time one’s children become adults—and widespread poverty does nothing to alleviate their living conditions.
Human traffickers, known as coyotes, are taking full advantage of this situation. They promote the idea that if there is any time to leave for the United States, that time is now. And parents in Central America buy it. They are willing to pay traffickers thousands of dollars despite being warned of the trip’s dangers and the numerous obstacles the children must face throughout their journey.
The problem becomes what to do with these minors.
Police cautiously monitoring the two opposing protesting groups in Murrieta, California as tensions mount while they all wait for immigrant detainees set to arrive by bus to the U.S. Border Patrol facility. Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times
Should the Department of Homeland Security’s Immigration and Customs Enforcement deport all of these children or provide them with temporary housing until each minor’s situation is determined? This question has created a rigid dichotomy amongst much of the population. Human rights advocates argue that these children should not be treated as immigrants but rather as refugees.
On the other hand, others, such as members of the Tea Party, blame President Obama’s approval of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), created to allow those who entered the country illegally while they were minors to receive a grant of deferred removal action. In other words, eligible immigrants remain legally in the United States for up to 2 years with a possible extension. This is not a path to citizenship, nor is it a guaranteed permanent residence but it allows immigrants who came here illegally to avoid deportation.
Some suggest that the U.S. government deport these minors immediately. However, some international organizations, including the United Nations, argue that many of these children have legitimate claims to stay as they are fleeing desperate situations.
Children detained at a center in Nogales, Arizona. Ross D. Franklin / AP
According to the New York Times, President Obama requested $3.7 billion from Congress in order to respond to this influx of child migrants. Previously, significant amounts of money were spent in trying to secure the border. Given this large influx of immigrants, it is evident that pouring more money into the border is not the solution.
Even if the Obama administration pushed to deport all unaccompanied minors with full force, it could not. The William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008 passed by the U.S. Senate during the Bush administration is intended to help human trafficking victims, however a portion of this act relating to unaccompanied illegal immigrants under the age of 18 makes immediate deportation for them difficult. As stated in a news article from The Oklahoman, “The legislation said they must ‘be promptly placed in the least restrictive setting that is in the best interest of the child.’ The U.S. Health and Human Services Department is to provide for their custody and care while deportation hearings are under way. The department is to attempt to find a parent or sponsor in the United States while providing free legal representation and a child advocate.”
This past Friday, the presidents of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras met with president Obama to discuss this immigration crisis. NPR’s Eyder Peralta writes, “…with Plan Colombia and the Merida Initiative, the U.S. has helped combat violence in Colombia and Mexico”, yet by doing so, pushed organized crime into Central America.
L-R: Salvadoran President Salvador Sanchez Cerén, Guatemalan President Otto Perez Molina, President Barack Obama and Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez Reuters
Regardless of history in the past, all four countries must focus on the present. The United States must decide how it will improve the manner in which it deals with incoming unaccompanied immigrants. Meanwhile, Nicaragua, El Salvador and Honduras must determine what they need to do in order to curb gang violence and thus emigration figures.
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In the wake of the most recent attack on Paris, citizens across the globe are in mourning over the lives lost in the attack, which the extremist group ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) have reportedly claimed was their doing. 
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