A Dyke March is a lesbian visibility protest designed to promote activism within the LGBTQ community and bring awareness to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LBGTQ) rights. The First Dyke March took place April 24, 1993, as part of the March on Washington for Lesbian, Gay and Bi Equal rights and Liberation.
During the 1990s, the LGBTQ community faced far more hate crimes than they do today. Many laws we have now that prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation simply did not exist. We would not be where we are today, were it not for the activism that took place before and after the original Dyke March.
According to the Urban Dictionary, a dyke is a slang word used to refer to lesbians that was originally meant to be a slur. There are many theories surrounding the origins of the word and how it became used as an anti-lesbian slur. Scholars debate whether or not the origin came as a shortening for words such as morphadyke or hermaphrodite. In an earlier English dialect, the word was simply a contemporaneous term for women.
Regardless of its origin, a dyke describes a masculine tomboy or androgynous female. In recent years, the term has been re-appropriated by many lesbians who use it to identify themselves. Many people who identify as LGBTQ have been ridiculed by such words. For this reason, it is considered rude to use the word dyke unless you self-identify as one.
By stripping the negative aspect of the word, lesbians reclaim the power of the word and own our own identity. Transgender activist Jessica Xavier says, “Dyke is political. It’s an identity queer women could use as a means of our own empowerment, and having the march was this way to share in our queer sisterhood together.” Whatever words we use to describe ourselves our individuality and self-representation should be respected.
Grassroots DC reporter Billie Mckelvie interviews fellow marcher Shelby Bass on why she attended the march.
The DC Dyke March is returning after a 12-year hiatus. It returns as an act of queer liberation. It is led by self-identifying dykes and as a protest for different issues regarding the LGBTQ community. The DC Dyke March is an inclusive community that supports marginalized groups that are often ignored by mainstream media when reporting on LGBTQ issues. For more information visit: https://www.dcdykemarch.com/about-us/
By Stop Police Terror Project-DC, on June 20th, 2019
Reparations: a process of repairing, healing and restoring a people injured because of their group identity and in violation of their fundamental human rights by governments, corporations, institutions and families
On June 18, 2019, Stop Police Terror Project-DC hosted “If Not Now, When? A Discussion on Reparations” at the Peace Fellowship Church in Deanwood. One of the speakers was Mélisande Short-Colomb, a descendant of enslaved people who were sold by the Society of Jesus in 1838 to support the bankrupt Georgetown College. Anyone who thinks that reparations for African-Americans is impossible should listen to her story. The video below was shot by Grassroots DC Media Collective member Miheema Goodine.
Event participants agreed that most Americans do not have a clear understanding of reparations or indeed just how lasting and impactful the legacy of slavery has been. For example, if Black people had been paid for their agricultural labor, rather than enslaved, they would have received $6,400,000,000 in wages. Blacks owned 15 million acres of land at the turn of the last century, without reparations. Racist government policies, lack of access to capital and training, has dwindled that number to less than one million acres today. The few facts below, all researched by Stop Police Terror Project organizers, scratch the surface of the history that should be known when considering the issue of reparations.
1862: April 16, slavery is abolished in Washington, D.C., eight months before the Emancipation Proclamation was signed. The District of Columbia is also the only place in the United States where slave owners were compensated for having lost their human property. In other words, D.C. paid reparations to slave owners, but not to the slaves themselves.
1865: After The Confederate States of America were defeated in the American Civil War, General William Tecumseh Sherman issued Special Field Orders, No. 15, to both “assure the harmony of action in the area of operations” and “to solve problems caused by the masses of freed slaves, a temporary plan granting each freed family forty acres of tillable land in the sea islands and around Charleston, South Carolina for the exclusive use of Black People who had been enslaved.” The army also had a number of unneeded mules which were given to settlers. This is where the term “40 acres & a mule” originates.
Around 40,000 freed slaves were settled on 400,000 acres in Georgia and South Carolina. However, President Andrew Johnson reversed the order after Lincoln was assassinated, and the land was returned to its previous owners.
1877:Reconstruction came to an end in 1877 without the issue of reparations having been addressed. Thereafter, a deliberate movement of segregation and oppression arose in southern states.
1948: The Japanese-American Claims Act was passed, a law which authorized the settlement of property loss claims by people of Japanese descent who were removed from the Pacific Coast area during World War II.
1968: Founding of the Republic of New Afrika, a Black nationalist group that called for several states in the Deep South to be set aside for the establishment of a Black nation. The RNA demanded that the U.S. government pay $400 billion in reparations to Black people for centuries of systemic oppression during and after slavery.
1974: The U.S. government reached a $10 million out of court settlement with the victims of the Tuskeegee experiment —in which 399 Black men with syphilis were left untreated to study the progression of the disease between 1932 and 1972—and their families, which included both monetary reparations and a promise of lifelong medical treatment for both participants and their immediate families.
1987: Founding of the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (N’COBRA), a coalition of groups that advocate for reparations for the African diaspora in the United States. They define reparations as “a process of repairing, healing and restoring a people injured because of their group identity and in violation of their fundamental human rights by governments, corporations, institutions and families. Those groups that have been injured have the right to obtain from the government, corporation, institution or family responsible for the injuries that which they need to repair and heal themselves,” and see the reparations issue as one of international human rights.
1988: The Civli Liberties Act of 1988 was passed, a federal law that granted reparations to Japanese Americans who had been interned by the United States government during World War II.
1989: Michigan Representative John Conyers introduces for the first time H.R. 40, a bill that, if passed, would establish a commission to analyze slavery in the U.S., its impact, and ways to address its lasting affects. This bill was re-introduced multiple times in the intervening years, most recently in January 2019. A hearing on the bill was held on Wednesday June 19, 2019–Juneteenth. A link to the video is at the bottom of this page.
1994: The state of Florida agreed to a reparations package for the Rosewood Massacre of 1923 – where the primarily Black town of Rosewood on the Gulf Coast of Florida was destroyed in an uprising that had been triggered when white men from several nearby towns lynched a Black Rosewood resident because of unsupported accusations that a white woman in the nearby town of Sumner had been beaten and possibly raped by a Black drifter. The package was supposed to compensate the 11 or so remaining survivors of the incident, those who were forced to flee the town, and for college scholarships primarily aimed at descendants.
“We are only as strong as a city as the ward that struggles the most. You cannot represent the District of Columbia as a whole and not reflect that in your words, actions and budget decisions.”
These were Mayor Muriel Bowser’s words during her State of the District address. The chart below, researched and constructed by the Fair Budget Coalition, may help you determine if her words align with her proposals.
Each year, black consumers circulate $850 billion through the economy; 90%
of those dollars are channeled to non-black owners. Many Black-owned businesses are opened out of
necessity for the community. The economic state of any community is partially
related to the amount of money spent within it.
Unfortunately, money is not put back into the black community as black-owned businesses are not supported. This stigma derives from the thought that Black-owned merchandise is not as valuable or as high quality as products provided by big companies. Instead of supporting multimillion dollar corporations that do not care about those who support it financially like Gucci, H&M, etc, we should discover businesses that support people of color.
To that end, Grassroots DC is hosting a Health and Beauty Expo at the Black Worker’s Center this Sunday, April 14 at 2500 Martin Luther King Jr. Avenue, SE, from 5:00 pm – 8:00 pm.
It’s particularly important that we support black-owned businesses that provide health and beauty products because Black people spend a disproportionate amount of their income on those products. Despite this, the beauty industry overlooks many people with rich skin tones and thick hair textures and does not provide a variety of diverse products aimed at people of color. This shouldn’t be unexpected.
Thanks in large part to the media, it is unacceptable to wear many natural hairstyles to school or work. In fact, the United States has a long history of banning Afrocentric hairstyles. The history of the tignon (a hairdresser to conceal hair) was worn by free slave creole women, the law enacted by Governor Esteban Rodriguez Miro. This law was created so men can pursue affairs with Creole women. Even today, many brands promote white standards and perpetuate racist stereotypes that black hairstyles are unprofessional. People of color continue to be humiliated, shamed, and banned for their hair styles even when they are trending
The
booming market of $2.56 billion dollars that people of color spend on products
has caused many companies to began to cater to them. You also must be aware
that brands do use dark skin women as props to show they are inclusive. An example of advertising “light is bright”
notion is the 2017 Dove commercial ad. The implication of a Black woman
changing into a white woman represents “clean” shows that many big companies
have hidden racism.
Even
when a company like MAC Cosmetics offers a wide range of products, they’re not
really designed with all of the issues brought about by darker complexions. In order to create a
custom foundation many people of color mix two colors for the perfect blend.
Hormones, stress levels, climate, diet and lack of sleep all affect how your
foundation no longer blends with your skin. To address this, many brands that market to
women of color create dark shades in order to attract customers.
Brands such as Fenty, Bobbi Brown, Smashbox, appear to be challenging stereotypical and regressive notions of beauty by creating color swatches they claim will create. But hexadecimal color codes show how many of these companies shades that are for dark skin people are not.
In the commercial world, brands like Fenty have Photoshopped swatches in order to create the illusion of diversity.
All this “inclusive” marketing by major corporations leaves small, black-owned companies in peril. Major corporations with unlimited resources successfully tap into the buying power of people of color without ensuring their needs. Beauty brands are becoming inclusive because it is now mainstream, but is this a good thing?
Many products that have been advertised to African Americans actually contain hazardous chemicals that can lead to cancer. The Environmental Working Group analyzed 1,177 beauty, personality, and hair care products that are marketed towards people of color. Out of those products only, 25% were considered low hazard compared to the 40% marketed to the general public. Hair products that are used to straighten hair actually promote hair thinning and loss. Toxic ingredients such as lye have been found in hair relaxers while formaldehyde has been found in straightening treatments. But even products that contain no lye can cause chemical burns. Other health issues associated with beauty products include hormone disruption, allergies, reproduction damage, and even cancer.
The federal food, drug and cosmetic act of 1938 and the fair packaging and labeling act of 1967 is a government safeguard that is supposed to protect people from misbranding. Neither of these acts requires cosmetics to be approved by the FDA before hitting the market. The gap between Black and whites health outcomes reflects a disparity of Black doctors. By including more Black people into these professions, industries, and research, Black needs are more likely to be met.
The
Health and Beauty Expo will be covering and talking about these discrepancies
and products that are aimed for black women but do not hit the mark. The goal of the Expo is to educate and uplift
the community by highlighting local black owned businesses that specialize in
our health and beauty needs. The “Sip
and Shop” will feature a variety of black-owned businesses that sell everything
from Beauty, Hair, and Make-up services to vitamins, holistic healing, and
plants, & more. Please come prepared to shop as vendors will be offering
deals and you don’t want to miss! We will be discussing the “Pros and Cons of
the Beauty Industry: How it Affects our Community and How can we Build.” The
panel will include 5 specialists from cosmetologist to doctors that are licensed
and certified. The Panel will also include you, you read it right “you”.
Everyone is encouraged to join in the conversation. Topics will include
colorism, common health issues in the black community, generational wealth and entrepreneurialism.
The closing of the event will feature a stress-free hour to mix and mingle with
other attendees and see some work showcased by some on the vendors. This event is free and all ages are
welcome. Everyone in the community is
encouraged to come. We really hope to
see you there.
The federal food, drug and cosmetic act of 1938 and the fair packaging and labeling act of 1967 is a government safeguard that is supposed to protect people from misbranding. Neither of these acts requires cosmetics to be approved by the FDA before hitting the market. The gap between Black and whites health outcomes reflects a disparity of Black doctors. By including more Black people into these professions, industries, and research, Black needs are more likely to be met.
Health and Beauty Expo will be covering and talking about these discrepancies and products that are aimed for black women but do not hit the mark. The goal of the Expo is to educate and uplift the community by highlighting local black owned businesses that specialize in our health and beauty needs. The “Sip and Shop” will feature a variety of black-owned businesses that sell everything from Beauty, Hair, and Make-up services to vitamins, holistic healing, and plants, & more. Please come prepared to shop as vendors will be offering deals and you don’t want to miss! We will be discussing the “Pros and Cons of the Beauty Industry: How it Affects our Community and How can we Build.” The panel will include 5 specialists from cosmetologist to doctors that are licensed and certified. The Panel will also include you, you read it right “you”. Everyone is encouraged to join in the conversation. Topics will include colorism, common health issues in the black community, generational wealth and entrepreneurialism. The closing of the event will feature a stress-free hour to mix and mingle with other attendees and see some work showcased by some on the vendors. This event is free and all ages are welcome. Everyone in the community is encouraged to come. We really hope to see you there.
Following the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968, Black people throughout the United States snapped. Witnessing a man nationally considered a symbol of peace and hope brutally murdered became the trigger for what is known as the ‘King assassination riots’. In major cities, from Baltimore and Chicago, to smaller cities like Wilmington, Detroit, Black people across the nation unleashed their pent up rage regarding racism in the United States. In DC in particular, there was an estimated $25 million in property damages, and innumerable businesses were forced to close. Black residents made up 50% of the city’s population in 1960, that number sky-rocketed to over 70% in 1970, due in part to the flight of white residents following the 1968 rebellions. With certain sections of DC in a ruin-like state, millions of dollars in property damage, and the resultant injuries and deaths following the rebellions, the city was in desperate need of a strong Black leader. Enter Marion Barry, a man who would become as beloved as he became notorious, whose vision set in place many of the safety nets low-income residents in DC are able to use to their benefit now.
Before going into Barry’s history, I’d like to write my personal experiences with Barry; I’ve had the opportunity to cross paths Barry twice in my life. Once, when David Catania set out to enact laws that would potentially have parents arrested for the accumulative tardies and absences of their children from school, I, alongside a cadre of young people in a youth program I had been apart of during my teens, decided to testify against this law before the DC Council. While in support of the law initially, after hearing the testimony of four young Black men, Barry became vehement in his opposition to Catania’s law, changing his opinion immediately after our testimony. Then, as an eighteen year-old just stepping into the political sphere, having my voice acknowledged by, both, a politician and an elder was a foundational moment in such a strange, turbulent, and developmental time in my life. What may have been a year later, I attended a community gathering about the injustices the US government had committed against a group of men known as the Cuban Five. Held at St. Stephen’s church in Columbia Heights, the drawing point for this gathering was the opportunity to hear legendary activist Angela Davis speak. People of various backgrounds participated in that evening’s event, filling the church and enduring DC’s infamous humidity to get a chance to share
Photo of Barry with wife and child being honored at the gala of the Gertrude Stein Democratic club, a gay political organization*
space with Davis.
After Davis spoke, Barry revealed himself to the crowd; strutting to the podium area in a full suit in spite of the heat. At the sight of Barry, the event’s attendees exploded into hand claps, cheers, and camera flashes. Standing beside Davis, Barry seemed content and majestic.
Of course, me at eighteen had no knowledge of Barry outside of stories I had been told by my mother and other adults. Me at seventeen had no ability to comprehend the significance of the man before me.
Born in Mississippi and raised in Memphis, Tennessee, Barry was raised by his mother and step-father alongside nine other children. Demonstrating an aptitude for political organizing and resistance early on, Barry, in his memoir, recalls rallying his fellow Black paper boys to hold their employer accountable to taking them on a trip for meeting a sales quota. Not only did Barry possess a knack for political action and leadership, Barry also harbored a deep hunger for education. Graduating from LeMoyne-Owen College in 1958, Barry acquired a Master of Science degree from Fisk University and went on to pursue a Ph.D in chemistry from the University of Tennessee in Knoxville. A dissertation away from receiving his doctoral degree, Barry, experiencing discrimination as the only Black person in his program and sensing the political urgency of the times,
gave up pursuing his studies to take on more responsibilities with SNCC and other civil rights organizations. SNCC, also known as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, is regarded as one of the most influential political organizations active during the Civil Rights era. Birthed from student-sit in protest and a meeting organized by activist Ella Baker, SNCC had been involved in nearly every historical political action against injustice in the South during its time. From 1960 to 1961, Barry operated as chairman of SNCC, in fact, Barry was the organization’s first chairman. Familiar with positions of leadership, Barry had also been appointed the president of his college’s chapter of the NAACP. It is likely that Barry’s tenure as president of the LeMoyne Owen’s chapter of the NAACP allowed him to develop the skills necessary to work as chairman of SNCC.
Following his eventual departure from his Ph.D program, Barry held leaderships positions within numerous organizations in the field of racial justice, his work eventually taking him up North. At the request of Civil RIghts leader James Forman, Barry moved to DC to begin, and manage, the city’s chapter of SNCC.
While often considered Washington, DC’s first Black mayor, Barry doesn’t actually hold that official title. Before Barry’s term as mayor of the District, Walter Washington, holding a law degree from Howard University, became DC’s first Black mayor in 1971. Before his mayoral campaign in 1978, Barry co-founded an organization known as Pride Inc. Pride Inc. gave jobs to people of all ages work opportunities in the field of public sanitation. Some sources report that Pride Inc. employees were being paid the equivalent of more than $700 per week for their labor. Pride Inc. was, essentially, the prototype for Barry’s Summer Youth Employment Program (SYEP), often cited as the first job experience for many DC youth. Not only did Barry create groundwork for DC youth to acquire opportunities to work during, and before, his tenure as mayor, Barry also enacted legislation that would benefit poor and working-class DC resid
A photo of Barry bearing his autograph*
ents as well. Barry signed into law the Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act (TOPA laws), which, after a change made by the DC Council last year, only gives the tenants of multi-family apartment units the right to purchase a property once the owner decides to sell the unit.
Often overlooked is Barry’s enthusiastic support of the LGBT community during the early years of his political career in Washington. Amidst cultural myths of heterosexual Black men being the ‘most homophobic’ members of our society, I believe it important to place Barry in league with Dr. Huey P. Newton and other heterosexual Black men who have spoken out against homophobia.
None of this is to say Barry deserves a pass for some of the more disturbing allegations against him, such as stalking and, even, multiple accounts of sexual assault dating back to his time at SNCC. What I am attempting to do is create space of all of Barry’s personas to be held and considered; Barry the ‘rapist’’, Barry the ‘good samaritan’, Barry the ‘mayor for life’, Barry the ‘civil rights activist’, and Barry the ‘substance abuser’. Before we apply any values judgement upon Barry’s character, may we first ask ‘Who was Marion Barry?’
*I am grateful for the Special Collections Office at George Washington University’s Estelle and Melvin Gelman Library for allowing me the opportunity to look through their archive of Marion Barry’s 1978 mayoral campaign
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