D.C. Legislator Proposes Exempting Certain Senior Citizens From Property Taxes

Cross-posted from WAMU written by Martin Austermuhle

The following cross-post was suggested by Grassroots DC member Pam Johnson. Would long-time DC residents be more likely to stay in their homes? What do you think of this proposal? Let us know.

Row houses in DC’s Shaw Neighborhood.

As Washington, D.C.’s population increases and the housing market picks up again, some of the city’s long-time elderly residents run the risk of falling victim to increasing property taxes that they can’t afford to pay. Now a group of D.C. legislators wants to help them.

Council member Anita Bonds (D-At Large) today introduced a bill that would exempt certain elderly residents from paying property taxes on their homes. The bill’s provisions would limit the exemption to residents over the age of 75 who have lived in the city for more than 25 years and make less than $60,000 a year.

“This is an act that will ease the financial burden on them,” said Bonds, who argued that senior citizens can more easily fall victim to rising costs of living than other residents. She said that 11 percent of the city’s population is over the age of 65, and 19.7 percent of those fall below the poverty line, a higher proportion than in other age groups.

According to the D.C. Office of the Chief Financial Officer, Bonds’ bill would cost D.C. $16 million over four years. The city’s current residential property tax rate is $0.85 for every $100 of assessed value.

D.C. already offers some relief to certain homeowners—under the Low-Income Homeownership Exemption program, residents falling below certain income thresholds and living in homes costing less than $367,000 can apply for a five-year abatement from property taxes. Residents over the age of 65 can also qualify for a 50 percent property tax break.

Bonds picked up support from both council members Jack Evans (D-Ward 2) and Muriel Bowser (D-Ward 4), both of whom are running for mayor and have proposed similar measures in the past.

In Fight For Deals, Developers Make Well-Timed Campaign Contributions

Cross-post from WAMU by Julie Patel and Patrick Maden

No. 3 in the series: Deals for Developers, Cash for Campaigns

Construction on the Marriott Marquis Convention Center Hotel on June 6, 2012. (Flickr photo by thisisbossi)

Seven years ago, during D.C.’s real estate boom, the District asked developers to submit proposals to build on public land in the Southwest waterfront area.

Dozens of developers lined up for a shot, forming 17 development teams in early 2006. They could potentially score the land and receive other subsidies but they’d have to provide affordable housing and meet other criteria.

That’s why controversy emerged when the winning team later wanted to relax affordable housing requirements.

What most people didn’t know is that months before the city’s economic development committee approved scaling back the affordable housing, five of the companies on the development team made nine campaign contributions, on the same day, to the chairman of the committee, then-Council Member Kwame Brown. The council approved the plan shortly after the committee vote.

A WAMU investigation found a dozen developers donated the most the year their subsidy was approved. In addition, the investigation identified ten cases in which campaign contributions were recorded as being made on the same day, to a single candidate, by three or more developers working jointly on subsidized projects. In some cases, the subsidies were proposed or approved around the same time.

Two of the 110 projects examined that received the largest subsidies — the Wharf and the convention center hotel — are among those with developers contributing on the same day and around the time legislation was proposed or approved.

“The timing of a contribution is important,” said Sheila Krumholz, with the Center for Responsive Politics. “There have been times when contributions have come in right around a vote, before a vote. That might be a kind of carrot. There might also be an element of reward if a vote is taken that favors a special interest or donor.”

The investigation also found 133 groups donated more than $2.5 million in campaign cash and received $1.7 billion in subsidies over the past decade

“Trust is undermined if money is being exchanged with patterns like the ones [WAMU has] discovered. It gives rise to reasonable suspicions,” said Dennis Thompson, a political philosophy professor at Harvard and director of the university’s Edmond J. Safra Center for Ethics. “Is the subsidy going to the right person?”

CLICK HERE to read the whole story and listen to the podcast.

Million-Dollar Properties, $1 Deals

Cross-posted from WAMU by Patrick Madden

No. 2 in the series: Deals for Developers, Cash for Campaigns

Few developers were better at winning D.C.’s taxpayer-owned real estate than Blue Skye Construction and Donatelli Development. The two firms have won or partnered on a quarter of the land deals since 2008, a total of five projects that span the city.

The appraised value of all this public land, according to city records: $17.5 million.

The price paid by the developers to the city, a little more than a parking ticket: $88.

* Blue Skye’s owner Scottie Irving said his firm Blue Skye Construction was contracted for the project but is no longer involved.

The District government has given away more than $200 million of taxpayer-owned land to private developers over the past five years. The city sold or leased these surplus properties at deeply discounted prices. The firms winning these deals are required to build affordable housing and hire local businesses.

A WAMU investigation found that these properties often ended up in the hands of politically connected developers who donated handsomely to local campaigns, and the jobs promised by developers sometimes went to individuals with political ties to city officials.

CLICK HERE to read the whole story and listen to the podcast.

 

Major Campaign Donors Score Hefty City Subsidies

Cross-posted from WAMU by Julie Patel and Patrick Madden

Tax-related subsidies increased 24-fold. Data from D.C.’s Office of Revenue Analysis.

No. 1 in the series: Deals for Developers, Cash for Campaigns

CLICK HERE to Listen to the podcast.

A historic mansion in Georgetown, a downtown office building flipped for a record profit and luxury apartments with a car elevator, a block from the White House.

These are among the developments in D.C. receiving tax breaks and discounted public land.

A WAMU investigation found the city awarded $1.7 billion in subsidies to 133 groups in the past decade — and more than a third of the subsidies went to ten developers that donated the most campaign cash over that time. Meanwhile, a fraction of the subsidies went to the city’s poorest neighborhoods.

“By a lot of metrics the District is … the hottest real estate market” in the country, said Tommy Cafcas of Good Jobs First, an economic subsidies watchdog. “So why does the city need to be giving out all of these tax breaks to these major developers?”

On paper, the District has low campaign finance limits: From $500 for most council races to $2,000 for mayoral campaigns. In practice, developers can “bundle” donations through employees, family members and by writing multiple checks to a single candidate through limited liabilities and other affiliates.

Some of the developers said they donate to be civically engaged — not to win favors.

Likewise, city officials said they approve projects not to boost their campaign coffers but because developers pledge affordable housing, jobs and other benefits for taxpayers. But the promises often aren’t enforced, or the subsidies simply weren’t needed.

And what began as a targeted economic development tool, now looks to some like government handouts run amok.

WAMU’s investigation involved examining thousands of pages of city documents on 110 developments receiving city subsidies in the past decade, 133 groups benefiting from the subsidies and campaign contributions for council, mayoral and other local races over that time. It found:

* Groups receiving subsidies donated more than $2.5 million in campaign cash. * The ten developers that donated the most were on development teams that benefit from $641 million – or more than a third of all the subsidies examined. * Nearly half of the donors had multiple affiliates donating and 19 had at least 10. * Less than 5 percent of the subsidies were for projects in wards 7 and 8 — the city’s poorest areas with a fourth of the population. * A dozen developers spent the most campaign cash the year their subsidy was approved and there were 10 dates in which three or more companies developing a project together donated to a single candidate on the same day.

“This is, of course, pay to play politics in gory detail,” Bruce Cain, a political science professor at Stanford University, said after reviewing WAMU’s findings. “I doubt that anyone was so stupid as to be explicit about what was being traded…More likely [the trading] is done with quiet understanding about what is expected of people who want a subsidy.”

Cain added that most D.C. residents “lack both the means and the motive” to donate hefty sums of campaign cash: “This is about a system that forces elected officials to raise private money and the people with the most motivation to give are the people who get direct benefits from the system such as subsidies.”

CLICK HERE to read the rest of the article at WAMU.

Call to Action: Tell DC Council to Fund Subsidized Child Care

How much money were you making in 2004? Could you survive on that today? Maybe, maybe not. Might be a stretch but hey, times are tough. How about 27% of what you were making in 2004, could you survive on that? Unless 2004 was a real banner year and you made ten times what you’re making today, maintaining your lifestyle on that money would be impossible. If you were making less than the median income for Washington, DC in 2004, then 27% of that amount won’t even meet your basic needs.

Yet the DC Government refuses to pay child care providers who accept the city’s subsidized child care vouchers, more than 27% of the rate they should have been paid in 2004. Aaron Brooks, owner of Power To Become Child Care Center and Jeffrey Credit, owner of Community Child Development Center are more than a little peeved about the situation. They let the city council know during a day of lobbying at the Wilson Building headed by Empower DC child care organizer Sequnely Gray. The following video lays out their argument.

Despite a $417 million surplus in the city’s budget, Mayor Vincent Gray and the DC City Council are unlikely to increase funding for DC’s subsidized child care program unless someone like you accepts the challenge and makes them change their minds. Contact your city council members and tell them to fund subsidized child care. Here are their phone numbers and email addresses:

Councilmember Phil Mendelson (202) 724-8032 pmendelson@dccouncil.us

At-Large Councilmember Anita Bonds (202) 724-8064 abonds@dccouncil.us

At-Large Councilmember David Grosso (202) 724-8105 dgrosso@dccouncil.us

At-Large Councilmember David Catania (202) 724-7772 dcatania@dccouncil.us

At-Large Councilmember Vincent Orange (202) 724-8174 vorange@dccouncil.us

Ward 1 Councilmember Jim Graham (202) 724-8181 jgraham@dccouncil.us

Ward 2 Councilmember Jack Evans (202) 724-8058 jevans@dccouncil.us

Ward 3 Councilmember Mary Cheh (202) 724-8062 mcheh@dccouncil.us

Ward 4 Councilmember Muriel Bowser (202) 724-8052 mbowser@dccouncil.us

Ward 5 Councilmember Kenyan McDuffie (202) 724-8028 kmcduffie@dccouncil.us

Ward 6 Councilmember Tommy Wells (202) 724-8072 twells@dccouncil.us

Ward 7 Councilmember Yvette Alexander (202) 724-8068 yalexander@dccouncil.us

Ward 8 Councilmember Marion Barry (202) 724-8045 mbarry@dccouncil.us